Skip to main content

The law of diminishing returns

As Ben Bernanke, the outgoing chairman of the Federal Reserve, must recognise, he is the victim of the law of diminishing returns. In the initial days of the 2008-09 financial crisis, he mobilised the Fed as the lender of last resort. This helped quell an intensifying financial panic and, arguably, averted a second Great Depression. Mr. Bernanke’s role has been much praised and deserves the nation’s gratitude. It is doubtful anyone else would have done better.

But Mr. Bernanke’s ambition transcended calamity prevention. He sought to kick-start the economy by keeping short-term interest rates low (effectively zero since late 2008) and by massive bond-buying (called “quantitative easing”). The strategy was to reduce long-term interest rates, strengthen a housing revival, boost stock prices and stimulate corporate investment in plants and equipment. Here, his success is scant. Since mid-2009, the economy has grown at an anaemic annual rate of 2.4 per cent. Payroll jobs are still 1.2 million below their 2007 peak, and seven million Americans have left the labour force — some retired but perhaps half, by some estimates, quit out of discouragement of finding work.
What we ought to have learned is that the Fed lacks the sort of economic control that was, after Alan Greenspan’s run as chairman (1987-2006), taken for granted. The Fed was then cast as nearly omnipotent. By slight shifts in short-term interest rates, it could sustain economic expansions and cushion recessions. Or so it seemed. Some Bernanke critics say he should have done more. What exactly? Since 2008, the Fed has purchased roughly $3 trillion in Treasury and mortgage bonds. Would $5 trillion have saved the world?
As it was, interest rates fell below two per cent on 10-year Treasury bonds and below four per cent on 30-year mortgages. The stock market recovered, nearly tripling since its March 2009 low. But the connections between these financial events and the “real” economy of spending, production and jobs have proved frustratingly weak. Higher stock prices should cause consumer-investors to spend more, but memories of the Great Recession may limit this “wealth effect.” Mortgage lending has suffered from tougher lending standards, imposed in part by stricter government regulation. Meanwhile, in a 2012 survey of 517 chief financial officers, 68 per cent said that lower interest rates wouldn’t increase their plant and equipment spending. Some CFOs said they financed investment from internal funds, not borrowing; others said investment was tied more to demand than to interest rates.
Public psychology
So Mr. Bernanke’s weapons were less powerful than assumed or hoped. What subverted their effectiveness was shifting public psychology. The financial crisis and Great Recession changed the way that consumers, bankers, business managers and regulators thought and behaved. Before, a general belief in the economy’s resilience encouraged spending, borrowing and lending. People unconsciously assumed basic economic stability. After, there was a residue of fear and caution. Gone was the faith in automatic stability. The first mindset aided the Greenspan Fed. The second weakened the Bernanke Fed.
This explains why his massive exertions to improve the recovery have so far yielded paltry returns. Monetary policy (the influencing of interest rates, credit conditions and the money supply) is powerful, but it is not some potion that, taken in the right doses, can magically calm the business cycle and mechanically restore full employment. We are hostage to economic, psychological and geopolitical forces that cannot be completely or easily manipulated.
It is premature to judge Mr. Bernanke’s legacy. His policies will have ongoing consequences that, for good or ill, will shape his ultimate reputation. He was hindered in part by the high expectations set in the Greenspan years. As the economy weakened, so did public trust. In 2007, half of Americans expressed confidence in the Fed; by 2012, only 39 per cent did. Mr. Bernanke struggled to make the unpopular case — which is correct — that the Fed’s efforts to prop up the banking and financial systems (aka “Wall Street”) protected average Americans (aka “Main Street”) from greater harm.
The fate of Mr. Bernanke’s easy-money policies is also uncertain. Through the bond-buying and “forward guidance” — a loose commitment to keep short-term interest rates near zero until the job market strengthens convincingly — he has tried to instil confidence. Perhaps the lagged effects of these policies will soon boost growth. He has also argued that these policies can be withdrawn without disruption. As an academic exercise, this seems true. The real question is what happens if there are further surprises, from unanticipated inflation to an international financial crisis. The Fed and others have repeatedly erred in their economic forecasts.
Still, Mr. Bernanke’s record suggests a tentative verdict. Facing turmoil and danger, he helped stabilise the economy and reassure the public. His hallmarks have been competence, candour, decency and dignity. He was the right man at a fateful juncture. — © 2014. Washington Post.


Monetary policy is powerful, but it is not some potion that, taken in the right doses, can magically calm the business cycle

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

NGT terminates chairmen of pollution control boards in 10 states (downtoearth,)

Cracking the whip on 10 State Pollution Control Boards (SPCBs) for ad-hoc appointments, the National Green Tribunal has ordered the termination of Chairpersons of these regulatory authorities. The concerned states are Himachal Pradesh, Sikkim, Tamil Nadu, Uttarakhand, Kerala, Rajasthan, Telangana, Haryana, Maharashtra and Manipur. The order was given last week by the principal bench of the NGT, chaired by Justice Swatanter Kumar. The recent order of June 8, 2017, comes as a follow-up to an NGT judgment given in August 2016. In that judgment, the NGT had issued directions on appointments of Chairmen and Member Secretaries of the SPCBs, emphasising on crucial roles they have in pollution control and abatement. It then specified required qualifications as well as tenure of the authorities. States were required to act on the orders within three months and frame Rules for appointment [See Box: Highlights of the NGT judgment of 2016 on criteria for SPCB chairperson appointment]. Having

High dose of Vitamin C and B3 can kill colon cancer cells: study (downtoearth)

In a first, a team of researchers has found that high doses of Vitamin C and niacin or Vitamin B3 can kill cancer stem cells. A study published in Cell Biology International showed the opposing effects of low and high dose of vitamin C and vitamin B3 on colon cancer stem cells. Led by Bipasha Bose and Sudheer Shenoy, the team found that while low doses (5-25 micromolar) of Vitamin C and B3 proliferate colon cancer stem cells, high doses (100 to 1,000 micromolar) killed cancer stem cells. Such high doses of vitamins can only be achieved through intravenous injections in colon cancer patients. The third leading cause of cancer deaths worldwide, colon cancer can be prevented by an intake of dietary fibre and lifestyle changes. While the next step of the researchers is to delineate the mechanisms involved in such opposing effects, they also hope to establish a therapeutic dose of Vitamin C and B3 for colon cancer stem cell therapy. “If the therapeutic dose gets validated under in vivo

SC asks Centre to strike a balance on Rohingya issue (.hindu)

Supreme Court orally indicates that the government should not deport Rohingya “now” as the Centre prevails over it to not record any such views in its formal order, citing “international ramifications”. The Supreme Court on Friday came close to ordering the government not to deport the Rohingya. It finally settled on merely observing that a balance should be struck between humanitarian concern for the community and the country's national security and economic interests. The court was hearing a bunch of petitions, one filed by persons within the Rohingya community, against a proposed move to deport over 40,000 Rohingya refugees. A three-judge Bench, led by Chief Justice of India Dipak Misra, began by orally indicating that the government should not deport Rohingya “now”, but the government prevailed on the court to not pass any formal order, citing “international ramifications”. With this, the status quo continues even though the court gave the community liberty to approach i